The former US VP Dick Cheney, who died at age 84, was considered among the most powerful occupants of that position in the nation's history. Whereas many second-in-commands were confined to minor or figurehead positions, Cheney exercised huge sway during the administration of George W Bush, to such an extent that he was often referred to as the "actual president".
Bush disliked this portrayal and stated the connection was more complicated. He noted that Cheney was deferential, consistently calling him in public settings as Mr President, while he referred to him as Dick. Bush questioned even portrayals of their partnership as a collaboration because it suggested that they were equals. Regardless of such protestations, Cheney viewed the laidback president malleable on a broad range of governmental choices.
A Aftermath of 9/11
At the head of a faction of neo-cons that included defence secretary Donald Rumsfeld and assistant defense secretary Paul Wolfowitz, he strongly advocated the military intervention of Iraq in 2003 in reaction to the 9/11 attacks on New York and Washington. During of the 9/11 strike, Bush had been participating in a session at a elementary school in Florida. Whereas Bush headed for a secure location in Nebraska, Cheney took command, ordering the downing of any non-communicating planes heading toward the US Capitol.
Cheney claimed the attacks transformed him, leading him to become focused on retribution. Along with other neo-cons, including Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he campaigned for a occupation of Afghanistan in an attempt to seize Osama bin Laden. Cheney then strongly advocated for the armed intervention of Iraq, although there was insufficient indication of Saddam Hussein playing a role.
Debated Policies
He voiced no apologies about the armed intervention, in which an approximated 100,000 Iraqis lost their lives, or about the waterboarding of individuals captured after 9/11. He informed CNN in 2015 that the Iraq invasion, which was founded on faulty reports repeated by Cheney, was the right course of action. "It represented the correct action to do at that time. I was convinced at the time and I maintain that stance presently."
But even at the time, there were contrary opinions at a senior level about the poor management of Iraq. One of the White House's own representatives to the area, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was dismissed from the position. "I observed, at the very least," he subsequently stated "true dereliction, inaction, and unaccountability: in the worst case, falsehoods, incompetence, and corruption."
Wider Perspective
Cheney was not solely to blame for the Iraq campaign. Before 9/11, Wolfowitz had called for comparable steps. He had drafted a memorandum setting out circumstances in which American interests might be endangered (featuring "availability of essential resources, mainly Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had asserted that "the United States should be prepared to act independently when joint efforts cannot be arranged," particularly citing armed actions against Iraq.
Bush also had entered the Oval Office somewhat determined on executing what his father had notably declined to do in 1991; topple Saddam. Subsequent to he had been fired by the president, the Treasury head Paul O'Neill recounted how, at the first meeting of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had announced his intention of lowering America's involvement in the Middle East dispute and proposed armed intervention against Iraq.
Bush bore a personal grudge against Saddam, believing he had been involved in a conspiracy to assassinate his parent, President George HW Bush, on a trip to Kuwait in 1993. He furthermore resented that one of the largest accommodations in Baghdad had a floor mural with a portrait of his father's visage that everyone had to step on.
Questioning Techniques
However it was Cheney who was among the most vehement behind invading Iraq, repeatedly referencing agency briefings that were both insubstantial or entirely inaccurate. He backed what the Bush White House euphemistically referred to as "intensive questioning", the use of simulated drowning and torture.
Responding to a Senate analysis in 2014 that concluded that no actionable intelligence had come from the torture, Cheney rejected the findings as "riddled with crap". He stated to Fox News: "We asked [the CIA] to implement measures and put in place programmes to apprehend the bastards who killed 3,000 of us on 9/11 and ensure it would not recur. That was specifically what they did and they merit a lot of praise."
Public Image
Cheney took pleasure in labels imposed on him by detractors such as Darth Vader and The Prince of Darkness, and by the notion that he was a shadow power controlling Bush. In the journalist's 2013 publication about the duo, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is quoted as saying: "Do I represent the sinister strategist in the background that operates invisibly come out of his domain? That is a effective way to function, truthfully."
Business Interests
Debate over his corporate affiliations followed him during his tenure as second-in-command. While he had little experience in commerce but good contacts in defence, notably in Saudi Arabia, he was asked to become part of Halliburton, one of the world's largest energy conglomerates, in 1995 as chairman and chief executive.
In 2000 he assumed the role of Bush's VP candidate for the White House. Debatably, during the Iraq war, Halliburton was given US deals valued at substantial sums.
It significantly boosted his finances. His yearly compensation during his time at the corporation increased from his previous salary while Pentagon chief to millions. When he resigned in 2000 he had a package valued at over $20m|twenty
